Resources

The survey included an expansive set of disability questions and validated voter turnout responses against state voter files. The analyses reveal a high disability incidence; large disability turnout gaps; and even greater gaps estimated with validated compared to reported turnout. Much smaller turnout gaps and better voting experiences are found in the states that conduct their elections with all-mail voting.

This research's findings suggest that signature validation, which serves as a primary safeguard for mail voting integrity, may be systematically influenced by underlying biases

This study characterizes how confidence in the accuracy of national elections changed with the projected election of President Trump on Election Day.

Paper sharing the results of three studies exploring the effectiveness of earned and paid media, federal vs state elected officials, and videos vs static images to convey trusted election information.

Registered voters in some legislative districts in Los Angeles County were subjected to universal voting by mail in the March 2020 primary. This research indicate that voter turnout increased by 3 to 4 percentage points for voters who do not automatically receive a mail ballot, and the increase is generally larger for registered partisan voters than those without a party affiliation.

This research focuses on the results of novel survey experiments that expose respondents in one state to messages produced by election officials in another state. Republicans, Democrats, and Independents all become more trusting once they are exposed to information about other states’ election protections.

Article summarizing how short-form, low-budget vertical videos can be used by election officials to improve voter trust.

This academic paper revisits public attitudes about voter identification and voter fraud in a period of intensifying partisan polarization. It is relevant because beliefs about fraud and exposure to misleading claims are central mechanisms through which confidence in election outcomes rises or falls.

In this paper, authors draw upon the 2016 and 2020 Cooperative Election Study to analyze the likelihood that Trump supporters: (1) voted by mail, (2) self-reported voting by mail, and (3) self-reported not voting by mail when they did (misreporting VBM). In 2020, Trump supporters were markedly less likely to cast a VBM ballot and were also significantly more likely to disclaim voting by mail when they actually did.

The report finds people who expressed higher levels of confidence that their vote would be counted as intended were more likely to vote. This pattern was consistent across partisan groups and most prominent among independents; If Americans felt more confident about the security of the 2024 election, turnout could have increased by 3.0-3.7 percentage points; If all Americans felt the highest levels of confidence going into November 2024, as many as 4.7-5.7 million more voters may have cast a ballot.

This research analyzes the demographics of voters whose mail ballots are rejected in Washington and Colorado. It finds that younger voters and voters of color are more likely to have their ballots rejected due to a non-matching signature; however, almost half of these rejections are ultimately incorrect and are cured by the voter. Additional findings show that the experience of having a ballot rejected in one election, even if the issue is resolved through ballot curing, reduces the voter’s likelihood of participating in subsequent elections.

This brief provides an overview of state policies related to absentee and mail voting. It discusses the potential advantages and disadvantages of voting by mail, outlines state policies for qualifying for and requesting an absentee ballot, and details how states process, verify, and count absentee/mail ballots. The brief concludes with key policy points related to by mail voting for policymakers to consider.