Resources

Using a comparative state-politics approach and new data, authors demonstrate that exposure to COVID substantially influenced voter turnout, and election policies had a major effect on whether a voter cast a ballot by mail, early in-person, or in-person on Election Day. Unique circumstances, including the emergence of voting policies as a polarizing issue, also spawned a new partisan voting gap that is especially prominent among heavy news consumers. Compared to 2018, many more Democrats than Republicans abandoned Election Day voting in favor of mail voting.

In this paper, authors compare electronic and paper ballot voting systems, examining how election laws directly impact operational efficiency and capacity, and what this means for polling place design and resource allocation.

The findings of this research suggest that signature validation, which serves as a primary safeguard for mail voting integrity, may be systematically influenced by underlying biases.

The biennial comprehensive survey of election administration across all 50 states, five territories, and D.C., covering the 2022 midterm general election—widely seen as a return to normal operations after the COVID-19-disrupted 2020 election. Key in-person voting findings include: 645,219 poll workers assisted with early and Election Day voting, including more than 80,000 first-time poll workers (16.7% of the total); election officials reported that poll worker recruitment was meaningfully easier than in the 2018 midterms; e-pollbook adoption grew significantly, with 2,271 local jurisdictions in 40 states using them (up 60% from 2008); nearly all states (94.6%) reported conducting logic and accuracy testing of voting machines before tabulation; and the 2022 EAVS collected data on drop boxes and ballot curing for the first time, finding nearly 13,000 drop boxes in use nationally. The survey also covers voter registration, UOCAVA voting, absentee voting, provisional balloting, and voting technology across all reporting jurisdictions.

This paper employs discrete-event simulation to model Milwaukee's in-person voting system during COVID-19. It reveals that poll worker shortages, social distancing measures, and PPE requirements can lead to very long voter wait times. The evaluation considers various design strategies to reduce pandemic-related effects, such as adding check-in locations, expanding early voting, and preventing the consolidation of polling sites.

This report examines poll workers in the current election environment, including recruitment challenges, training needs, and the role poll workers play in shaping the voter experience and in building public confidence in elections.

This research finds that voters with greater general political knowledge are more likely to vote early, and those with low political knowledge are more likely to wait until Election Day to cast their ballot.

The research finds that information about possible coronavirus exposures decreases comfort with voting in-person yet does not increase comfort with voting by mail.

In this paper, authors provide recommendations from disability voting rights advocates on how to improve the physical accessibility of polling locations and the usability of accessible voting equipment.

This report seeks to inform discourse surrounding the implementation and impacts of vote by mail (VBM) policies by evaluating modern use-cases. Authors examine the history of VBM policies, the landscape of current research on VBM and analyze the use of VBM in Utah as a caste study. Report findings indicate that, when implemented well, VBM is a secure and successful means of casting a ballot

This paper examines whether minority and Democratic-leaning voters in Florida receive lower poll worker staffing. Using data from multiple elections, authors find evidence of partisan disparities in staffing levels, with Democratic-trending counties receiving worse service relative to Republican-trending counties. They apply operations management methods to document systemic resource allocation inequities in polling place operations.

Authors use official statewide voter file and mail-in ballot data from the 2018 midterm election in Georgia to test whether certain voters are more likely to cast a mail ballot that does not count. In their analysis, authors distinguish between ballots rejected for lateness and those rejected for a mistake on the return envelope, finding that newly registered, young, and minority voters have higher rejection rates compared with their counterparts.